A pleasant Villanueva vibe

@wwaycorrigan

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One trend I've noticed in Colombia's low-lying lands — lower than Bogotá that is — is that even rather small towns have a more sinister side to them compared to their loftier equivalents.

Villanueva on the fringes: Looking south towards the vast plains. 

I refer to locations in what is called tierra caliente, literally 'hot land'. It seems to be a case of 'hot by name, hot — in various ways — by nature.'

Bovines and barrels

As a very rough guide, it applies to places with an altitude below 1,500 metres. That is to say, an urban centre closer to sea level is, in my experience, more prone to insecurity issues than a similar-sized settlement at a higher altitude and thus cooler climate.

I've found this "nastier nature" in the likes of Chaparral, Girardot, La Dorada and Tocaima.

Thus, it was to my pleasant surprise that I encountered no such dangers in the largely nondescript town of Villanueva on a recent, somewhat unplanned visit there. (The nearby Monterrey had been the original choice but bus schedules/routes meant it was easier and cheaper to get to Villanueva. For this particular trip, the destination was of secondary importance to the need to escape Bogotá.)

'If the town has a more sinister side, I didn't find it on this visit.'

At 420 metres above sea level and sitting at the entrance to the Casanare department's vast low-lying plains, Los Llanos, which lead all the way to Venezuela, Villanueva's economy is chiefly driven by bovines and barrels. It is, after all, Colombia's cowboy country and also an important petroleum-producing region.

Cowboy country (no animals were hurt in the making of this monument). 

Indeed, the principal peeve is the regular noise from the big oil trucks constantly passing through. As my first night taught me, it's best not to take a hotel close to the main street. Thankfully, owing to the fact — one assumes — that it is a trucker stop, the town has many accommodation options dotted all over.

That aside, while the heat may give it a coastal vibe — minus the sea, of course — there appears to be none of those overbearing Costeño types about (Costeños being Colombians from the coast, particularly the Caribbean region). One is generally left to one's own devices. (Do note, I visited midweek, maybe it's different at the weekends, but I doubt it.)

Plain sailing

While my referring above to Villanueva as nondescript may seem negative, it's just a case that, architecturally wise, it hasn't much going for it. Those vast plains that stretch out to the east and south are, nonetheless, quite captivating, a significant contrast to the undulating landscape of the Andean region.

The layout of the town itself very much reminded me of Casanare's capital, Yopal, a small city I visited a few years ago. I do recall being rather indifferent about Yopal. In fact, I remember thinking that it was relatively expensive, most likely due to the oil economy, so I left with more of a negative than positive impression.

Villanueva, on the other hand, seems affordable across the board. It must also be said that as a result of my current mindset even hell would entice me because of my general boredom with Bogotá.

Impressive: Río Upía. 

What Villanueva lacks — a stream aside — is a natural cooling-off spot within a comfortable walking distance. Yopal, for its part, does have the expanses of the River Cravo Sur close by.

There is, though, the impressive Río Upía eight kilometres south. It marks the border with the Meta department, with the small town of Barranca de Upía on the other side, on the river's southern banks. The broad, fast-flowing waters don't look like the best place to go for a refreshing dip all the same. Conditions might be a little tamer in the dry season.

Back in Villanueva, the barrios to the north-east of the lively main road offer a chilled-out vibe, nice for a casual wander as the town thins out and runs into sparse woodlands.

If the town has a more sinister side, I didn't find it on this visit. And going by the overall friendly demeanour of the locals, I'd be surprised if it does have one.
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Colombia's comedown?

For the last 12 months or so Colombia seemed to be on the crest of a wave somewhat. This was mostly down to the implementation of the peace deal signed between the government and the country's largest rebel group, Farc.

Heady times, albeit superficially and in just some areas. The bounce Colombia got internationally was apparent in numerous foreign media reports naming it as one of the must-see places in 2017. 

Add to this President Juan Manuel Santos' scooping of the Nobel Peace Prize and the grounds for optimism were clearly there.

However, considering Colombians can be as cynical as the best of them (amongst themselves that is, not normally to outsiders) coupled with a belief in many quarters that the Farc peace accords change very little in practice, the optimism certainly appears to have waned. (It should get a small shot in the arm with Pope Francis's upcoming visit here in September.)

Bogotá and Colombia in general: A work progressing or regressing?

Indeed, for some, the place is getting worse. A well-to-do Scotsman who has called Colombia home for the last 27 years believes this to be the case. He says that for the first time in his almost three decades here, he feels things are regressing. That seems quite a statement bearing in mind that when he first came here Pablo Escobar was still wreaking havoc.

So why, at a time when Colombia seems as open and welcoming as it ever has been, the negativity? The following sheds some light on things:

Cocaine high

Cocaine. Its mere utterance gives most Colombians a sinking feeling; the scourge of the country for decades.

Of course, the substance is ingested just as much, if not more so, in North America, Europe and Australia as it is in these parts, but here is the source.

As long as the external demand and enormous profits to be made from it continue to exist, cocaine production won't slow down any time soon. In fact, the opposite has been the case of late, it has increased.

The money in the white powder offers a route to riches that legitimate Colombia can't come anywhere close to. Thus, it's mob rule where cocaine is king with officialdom either turning a blind eye or being implicated in it.

A not-so-well-oiled machine

In contrast to Venezuela, Colombia's oil revenue looks set to fall substantially in the coming decade.

Unsurprisingly, sources in the industry here say the government lacks any sort of plan for a not-too-distant future when the country will have to import the resource.

We'd expect Venezuela to have its house in more normal order in 10 years' time than it is now, so maintaining good relations with the oil-rich neighbour is key. Welcoming fleeing Venezuelans with open arms during this current crisis might just be the right strategy.

Short-term gain, long-term loss

As for the lack of planning in terms of resources, so it is for practically every other area, especially in the likes of education and infrastructure.

Unfathomable and often contradictory legislation enforced arbitrarily combined with rampant corruption mean progress is slow or there's none at all.

In such an environment there are few signs that the vast inequality is being reduced. This ensures continued envy and justification for crime from the have nots.

Reasons to be cheerful?

Notwithstanding the above, we're not running away from the place just yet. The fact that the country is in a state of flux, a tad chaotic if you will, both excites and frustrates many foreigners based here.

Plus, with La Selección (the men's national football team) on the verge of World Cup qualification, the powers that be can rest assured that the football-mad masses will forget all their daily strife, at least for a time.

And that's how things tend to roll here. Live for the moment, to heck thinking about the future.
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Venezuela: Deepening the divide?

It’s just over five months since we wrote that the time, perhaps, was right for a change of the guard in Venezuela.

That was, of course, ahead of the October elections when the-then incumbent president, the late Hugo Chávez, was facing his toughest democratic challenge for the country’s top job since he first took office in 1999.

Past & present: Cházez (l) & Maduro (from paraguay.com).

Despite leading a solid campaign which garnered widespread support – his 45% share of the votes testament to that – challenger Henrique Capriles fell short; Chávez retained his post with 54% support. 

Venezuela, especially the current administration’s key voter base of the lower/working classes, clearly said it wasn’t ready to say goodbye to ‘Socialism for the 21st Century’ at that time.

So as the country prepares once again to go the polls on 14 April – constitutionally necessary following Chávez’s death – is there any reason to think that the challenger can turn the tables in just six months?

Undeniably, the ruling party is weaker without its charismatic and hugely popular deceased leader calling the shots. You don’t lose a chief such as Chávez without this having some adverse effect. However, it might be too soon to see that cost just yet.

It’s difficult to improve on an 80% turnout, as was the case in October, but if there are new votes and voters to be found, they may go the way of president-in-charge and Chavez’s ‘anointed’ successor, Nicolás Maduro. While a dull figure compared to his predecessor – who wouldn’t be – he should still be in a position to benefit from Chávez’s popularity, with the former leader’s figure still shining bright for many. 

Indeed, early opinion polls suggest Maduro has a lead of up to 15%. If this was to be the actual result on polling day, it would be a bigger endorsement for the socialist government than that it received just months ago.

In such a politically divided country – you are either with the revolution or against it, there is very little room for those in the middle ground – it’s hard to see where Capriles can add to the support he gained last year. 

Focusing the campaign on the abuses of the Chávez administration – the more than questionable human rights record, an increase in homicides and an absence of general security, press and judicial interference, currency & economic problems – abuses highlighted by a number of non-governmental organisations including Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, is one avenue of attack.

'Black gold' on the Colombian-Venezuelan border.

There is also the issue of Venezuela’s over-reliance on oil to keep the economy moving. In the short-to-medium term, this is fine, but, like the oil resources themselves, how sustainable is it?

Yet, for the thousands of people who have seen an unprecedented rise in their general standard of living and their access to education and health improve under the current socialist government, this approach in focusing on other policy areas, however justified, is unlikely to yield much electoral dividend.

What’s more, with a population – especially those in support of the revolution – seemingly convinced by the political elite that the nation, at any moment, could be attacked by ‘Western imperialists’, anti-US discourse continues to excite and impress many. 

Thus, the them-versus-us mentality, which Capriles hopes to weaken should he get elected, has been promoted heavily by his opponent.

However, for any neutral observer, regardless of which side of the political spectrum you lie, Maduro’s inconsistent and lurid pronouncements in this regard in recent days have been nothing but playing to the gallery. 

From firstly claiming there was a CIA/Pentagon plan to assassinate his rival Capriles in order to cause chaos in the country, he flipped the next day to a story that the US was encouraging the opposition to withdraw from the elections. If the White House is planning something, it doesn’t seem to be very consistent if Maduro is to be believed.

Throwing all these factors together, it is difficult to see anything other than a relatively comfortable victory for the interim president.

Indeed, for the time being, for the general stability of the region, especially in relation to the border with Colombia, a Maduro victory might be for the best. 

If the socialist revolution was stopped in its tracks now, democratically, it’s unclear how the current administration and its supporters would react, especially so soon after Chávez’s death. A second defeat in six months for Capriles would no doubt leave him and his followers disillusioned, but a violent reaction to such an outcome is unlikely.

In terms of Colombian relations, with the ongoing, largely fragile peace talks continuing between President Juan Manuel Santos’s government and the left-wing guerrillas Farc, instability in Venezuela is the last thing that process needs.

Support: But is it enough for Capriles?

Yes, it’s widely accepted here that the Bolivarian Republic has supported the Farc rebels in terms of ammunition and security, but the fear is that if an unfavourable government for them was to be installed in Venezuela, it may have a negative influence on the peace negotiations.

That’s despite the fact that the majority of Colombians, arguably the most pro-USA Latin America country with a history of centre-right administrations, would find more favour, in general, with Capriles in power than Maduro.

Whatever the case, it appears the mantra from the current office-holders in Venezuela, that the country’s ‘Socialism for the 21st Century’ is bigger than one man, is set to be put to a stern test in the coming months and years. 

It may be more of the same after 14 April but perhaps with even deeper division.

*For another Venezuelan related article see 'Venezuela - South America's North Korea?' http://bit.ly/OLR2Ev